Conversation exercept from r/Conspiracy on www.reddit.com, 2017
“I have it on good authority that the globalist state is run by the freemasons. The original North American freemasons, which included George Washington and Benjamin Franklin, received alien technology so they could create a global state. This was orchestrated by the galactic overseers who determined, during the enlightenment, that humanity was ready to begin its long road to unification and taking our place in the universe. Why do you think no one discovered the Americas until so late in the game? They allowed Columbus to reach the Bahamas and we never hear about the countless failures before. Colonization of the Americas signaled the first step in global unification and the overseers determined the new American republic would be the conduit for political unification. The presence of the masons worked perfectly because they had a secret society to work with behind the scenes over the years.”
“That makes sense for guys like Washington and Franklin but wouldn’t that have eventually gotten out? We are talking dozens if not hundreds of involved individuals over 250 years, one of them won’t be able to keep their trap shut or hold their booze at least once….”
“How do you think the rumors have gotten out?”
“Youre close u/PM_ME_UR_BURRITO. It’s not alients but humanity itself. This is a timetravel feedback loop. Advanced Americans from another timeline where something goes wrong used quatum technology to send representatives and technologies back to the gensis point of the United States. We are in someone else’s alternate universe.”
Excerpt from Theodore Roosevelt’s “The History of the Order of Freedom”, unpublished internal work, 1913
“…it is my hope that by combining the oral histories, secretarial notes and minutes of this esteemed society, I might be able to produce a working internal history to guide future members….”
“During the Philadelphia Convention another topic arose beyond the drafting of the Constitution, that of the future and structure of the Order of Freedom itself. Conduct during the revolution was largely ad hoc, as had been the decision making process on initial membership. Franklin’s minutes indicate that meetings during the revolution, and the immediate aftermath, took place at random, typically at Mount Vernon or Monticello. A few interesting meetings occurred at the fronts or even at exotic random destinations. For instance, a celebratory meeting was had after the formal end of the war on the small Greek island of Macheres.
The initial membership followed a combination of assembly decorum and rules of a typical lodge of freemasonry. Meetings were obviously closed, and the members were zealous in their insurance that no eavesdroppers were near. Elections were held for leadership positions. From the first meetings there was a president, a warden, a secretary and a sentry. The president ran the meetings and broke deadlocked votes. The secretary kept the minutes and notes. The warden acted as a sort of vice president and was charged with keeping the technology accounted for and secure. The sentry was charged with ensuring the meetings remained secret and also kept track of the whereabouts of members between meetings in the event of a crisis, or the need to dispatch an immediate message. There were no terms on these positions. Washington acted as president almost his entire life and Franklin acted as secretary for all of his.
Due to the unifying cause of winning the war, there was no immediate need to codify rules or structure for the Order. Post-war debates and deadlock followed, almost in accordance with the display of ineffectiveness that was the Articles of Confederation for the larger country. By 1786, discussions began about the long-term effectiveness of the Order, its structure, limits on power and future membership. In many ways the internal discussions of the Order mirror the initial debates about the need for a Constitution. By the time Madison and Hamilton were guiding the country towards Philadelphia, the concept of an entirely new Constitution had already been discussed and agreed upon by the Order. It should be noted that the Order did not discuss, at least on record, potential outlines for the governmental structure or their level of influence in Philadelphia. In fact, the Order’s minutes and notes during the Convention are decidedly lacking in detail on that process. Instead, the events in Philadelphia seemed to inspire the Order more than the other way around. Ten times during the Convention a quorum snuck off from Constitution drafting to debate and work on their own internal charter. The members agreed to and ratified the Order’s Charter and Bylaws a scant nine days before the enrollment of the Philadelphia Constitution.
For obvious reasons the Order’s Charter is much different that the Constitution but the spirit is in both documents. The leadership is codified and duties laid out in four articles. The first article is dedicated to bringing in new members which occurs only at the death of a current member by unanimous vote. In this document, the positions of membership are for the first time referred to as “chairs” which laid the foundation for our current tradition of naming the chairs, such as my occupation of the Jamaica Chair. Article V lays out the decision making process of the Order. Membership votes must be unanimous, elections may occur by simple majority and decisions to use the technology may only have a single dissenting vote. A beautiful preamble by Patrick Henry (whom I suspect was the chief drafter in this process given his absence from Philadelphia) outlines the mission statement of the Order:
“The members of the Order of Freedom do hereby issue and bind ourselves under this Charter so that we may secure life, liberty, free will and protect the public and ourselves in the conduct of our grand mission. We pray to the Almighty Creator that this Order and its members will remember that obligation and execute any actions in accordance as such. Let it be said by our current members and succeeding generations of members that, above all else, this Order is founded on righteous conscience and not fear and tyranny.”
Mirroring the eventual inclusion of the Bill of Rights, the Charter includes several articles on limits of power. For example, Article VI precludes an Order member from causing someone’s premeditated death without unanimous consent of the membership (as we know, self-defense is perfectly fine). Article VII precludes political debate amongst the membership unless the topic of debate, and a reason why it needs to be debated, are presented to the secretary, the president informed, and the members consent by two-thirds vote.
Franklin provides a post-Convention commentary in late 1789 that should be noted:
“Doubtless, future Order members will wonder why the Charter was established and ratified simultaneously as the Constitution. Would it not make more sense to draft the Constitution and then the Charter? Indeed, there was much discussion about the merits of such delay but the membership was insistent. [Patrick] Henry refused to attend the Philadelphia Convention on the belief that anything stronger than the Articles would usurp the spirit of the Revolution. [Thomas] Jefferson could take no direct role in the Convention as he was ambassador to Paris during that time. Both had their reasons to take a direct role in drafting the Charter. Jefferson was clearly enthused about being a part of the creation of this new government, even if he was only involved in a secret portion away from public eyes. Henry desired to exercise his limited governmental philosophies in a way that might be beneficial to mankind as a whole, even if he was forced to tolerate events in Philadelphia. Of course, the involvement of these two gentlemen in the drafting process explains the mechanics but what about the spirit? I believe that lies with the spirit of the Constitution itself. The Constitution, whether one approves of it or not, is a clear expansion of federalized power from the Articles. It would make sense that, the expansion of power combined the limitations of our ad hoc processes, would necessitate a structured limitation of the vast powers this Order possess. In a way, we expanded the power of the people while limiting the power of ourselves so this country could survive beyond its infancy.”
The ratification of the Charter allowed the Order to undertake important foundation debates. How much impact would the Order have on domestic politics? Would domestic disputes and party factions bleed into the Order? How would expansion of the country occur? What limitations would exist on use of the technology?
These were all hotly debated subjects from 1789 throughout Washington’s Administration.
The death of Franklin in 1790 presented the Order with its first problem of succession. Internal debate was heated and nominees included Alexander Hamilton, Charles Pinckney, John Marshall, and Aaron Burr. Ultimately, the young James Madison was selected and inducted. Madison’s induction was the first time a new member had been exposed to the technology, and the mission, since before the Revolution. By all accounts from Secretary [John] Adams’ notes, Madison took the news and the mission well. Jefferson led the induction of the young member, finding him at a time of isolation, explaining the mission and the technology, and demonstrating the teleportation capabilities by taking Madison to that favorite spot of the Order, the Pyramids of Giza. There the remaining Order members were present and Madison took his oath.
The remaining 18th century inductions include Charles Pinckney upon the death of Richard Henry Lee, George Clinton upon the death of Patrick Henry, James Monroe upon the death of John Dalling and Alexander Hamilton upon the death of George Washington. Hamilton had been denied entry thrice before Washington’s death on the fear that he would be too partisan but the membership believed there would be no better way to honor the original Order member than to induct his protégé. Few notes exist on the event but there is reason to believe Hamilton was also inducted to counterbalance the ideological influence of Jefferson, Madison and Monroe.
These 18th century debates established considerable precedent. The Order consistently refused to utilize the technology to reinforce political power or influence elections and policy. Most Order decisions in the early years pertained to influencing foreign affairs to the benefit of the United States. Even then, an early by-law was established whereby the Order would not create conflict, or directly influence secession, unless by “the natural occurrences of history” a situation developed that the Order could then exploit.
The first major international crisis of the young Order came from the rapid events of the French Revolution. Considerable debate occurred over whether or not to deeply influence French and European politics. Jefferson and Madison were passionate advocates for a republican based Franco-American merger. Despite their efforts, the Order believed such a proposal was impracticable for numerous reasons.
On the other hand, some events did lend themselves to Order support. When the United States and France went to war over shipping rights and debt payments in the late 1790’s, the Order directly ensured that local sympathies in places like St. Lucia and Miqueleon were “rightly placed” with “liberating” Americans and not “misplaced” with “bloodthirsty jacobins”. Efforts were also made to ensure Francophone American citizens in places like Quebec and Dominica had their fears eased.
Of course, annexations of nearby islands paled in comparison to the “grand experiments” of the Order. St. Pierre was easy, Pondicherry and Haiti were different beasts.”